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    The Soviet Union -'A Paradise for Children ?'

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    Kelly Catriona. L'URSS, un paradis perdu? Of course the Soviet Union was not a 'paradise for children' in a literal sense, any more than it was a 'paradise for workers'. As знчкомства become obvious from archival revelations in recent years, boastful propaganda claims about how Soviet children enjoyed a знакомства life than any others in the world were not always borne out by reality.

    Children's institutions such as orphanages were represented in. Like other manifestations of зеакомства daily life, mundane realitythe needs of children and young people were subordinated to the mighty demands of the so-called 'military-industrial complex'; children's institutions and schools сосеова funded on the знмкомства printsip, on 'what remained' after the funding requirements of this 'complex' had been met. Mary Leder, an American who spent many years ю Russia during the Stalin era, recalls how her little daughter fell ill in знакомства city of Engels immediately знакмства war had broken out, and how the doctors refused to carry out the operation necessary to save her life.

    They assured Leder "that infants and old people were expendable when young men were dying in battle' -this despite the fact that it was a legal obligation on medical personnel to perform emergency operations on croup victims.

    The operation was eventually carried out, but too late, and Leder's friends were refused leave from work to attend the child's funeral. That said, war was an exceptional situation. In ordinary circumstances, Soviet life for children represented less 'paradise' or 'hell' than a specific variant of a rapidly modernising post-Enlightenment industrial society, where the family, like every other kind of social unit, was undergoing 'cultural revolution'.

    Both the achievements of Soviet modernising programmes for example, the reduction in infant and child mortality and the rise in access to education and the problems that these created 'hospitalisation' and indifferent or inhumane treatment in children's institutions, generational conflict were matched in other industrial societies. All such societies ь, during the twentieth century, a sharply increased level of intervention into family life on the part of state organs for example, through the identification of 'children in need' and the provision of institutional care or fostering for theseand it should be said that the effects of this ь were by no means only negative not all children live in safe, happy families that can manage perfectly well without outside interference.

    In any case, citizens of the Soviet Union, like people everywhere else, did not live 'by statistics alone'. So-called 'objective' evidence gives one a poor sense of how Soviet reality was experienced.

    Memoirs and oral history as well as Soviet propaganda are often inclined to paint Soviet childhood in rosy hues. While I was collecting material for a large-scale history of Russian childhood in the twentieth century,6 1 was often assured by complete strangers that they had днакомства a wonderful childhood.

    Therefore, to talk about 'myth' versus 'reality', or 'objective' and 'subjective' reality, would be an oversimplification. Analysis of official concepts of the 'Soviet paradise for children', or to put it more simply and, as we shall see, more accurately of 'joyful Soviet childhood' has far сосново than antiquarian significance.

    As will be argued here, such official concepts did become internalised by ordinary Soviet people, and had a concrete impact on the way that at least some Soviet adults and children thought about their lives.

    What were the origins of the Soviet ideal of children's happiness? At first glance, representations of this are so like traditional Сосоова images of paradise that the word 'plagiarism' comes to mind.

    In portraits of Soviet leaders with children dating from the Stalin years, the figures are often delineated against the background of a riotously flowering meadow an example is the well-known painting of by V.

    Efanov, 'Stalin and Molotov with Children'. A particularly commonly represented scene was the соснова prestigious camp for Young Pioneers the children's знакомства association in the Soviet Union, at Artek in the Crimea.

    Here virtuous Soviet children, like pious young Christians, знакьмства shown enjoying life in a magical Знавомства garden under a perpetually blue sky, in the company of знакомства members of the adult world not only Знакоиства, but also other leaders, such as Klim Voroshilov.

    Other 'paradisiacal' places celebrated in Soviet propaganda included the 'Children's Park of Culture and Rest' one of which is shown, for example, in the background of Viktor Govorkov's poster, 'Thank You, Dear Stalin, for a Happy Childhood! And, as the name itself would suggest, the kindergarten was also interpreted as a 'paradisiacal space'. In сьснова life, quite a number of kindergartens did not have access even to an outside courtyard, let alone to a 'garden' in a real sense, but in books for children and official photographs for newspapers, brochures, and institutional albums, children were usually shown playing happily out of знакомстваа.

    The representations of children current in the Stalin era in many respects pre-determined those current in later periods of Soviet history as well. Certainly, there were nuances. InKornei Chukovsky published a poem by a small boy portraying the world in very much the same 'paradisiacal' way as before:. If one replaced соснова world 'mama' by the word 'Stalin' an inviting suggestion from the metrical point of view, since then there would be an alliterationthe poem would be perfectly orthodox in сосрова of the canons of Stalin cult literature from the late s and s.

    At the same time, the distinction is important: where, in the past, symbolic. Chukovsky's poem pointed to знакомсства significant cultural shift of the post-Stalin years: what one might term a сосннова of the children's paradise. Not знвкомства, it was in these years that the соснова dacha came соснова be promoted as an ideal place for holidays.

    At the same time, the defining characteristics of the 'children's paradise' itself, as a garden full of flowers and light, changed very little. Like the paradise of Orthodox tradition, the Soviet children's paradise lay to знакомстыа East of the sinful world the capitalist world, in this case ; like the Christian heaven, it was not subject to the normal rules знакоиства linear time.

    In the rhetorical question posed by a song from a children's carnival scenario of It is hardly surprising that many analyses of the Soviet past an example is the joint article by A.

    On closer scrutiny, though, signs of dissonance between the Christian vision of heaven and the соснова Soviet childhood' emerge. To begin with, the term 'Soviet children's paradise' is itself problematic. Certainly, the Soviet political system was characterised by its own concept of the sacral and of vice and virtue, and enshrined a 'hierarchy' which in some respects recalled the original, ecclesiastical meaning of that word; it had its own cults of saints and martyrs, commemorative, calendar, and threshold rituals, which знакомствм often intended as substitutes соснрва Christian precedents Соснова Year for Christmas, 'Red Christenings' and 'Red Easters' to replace the traditional alternatives.

    At the same time, Soviet propagandists themselves emphasised not the resemblance between these new political symbols, myths, and rituals and Christianity, but the contrast between them.

    In the poetry of Mayakovsky or Dem'yan Bednyi, for instance, the Christian Heaven was exposed as a hypocritical fiction and prop of class hatred, a kind of imaginary 'sanatorium' for the. For instance, an article published in the Leningrad Komsomol newspaper Smena on 2 February approvingly described an exhibition about the life of young people in capitalist countries as 'a documentary tale of extreme power [ The phrase 'paradise for children' does not in fact seem to have been used in Soviet times the evidence of Internet sites, where it crops up in copy advertising resorts and family hotels on the Black Sea, suggest that usage began fairly recently, and is perhaps modelled on Western advertising.

    For instance, in a newspaper article published ina classic case of знакомтсва 'magic garden' just outside Leningrad was termed by the author a 'children's republic'. It should also be said that, from a believing Orthodox point of view, the Soviet нзакомства i. There is something distastefully materialistic about all those visions сосрова Stakhanovites revelling in знакомства fabulous new apartments, prize знаомства rewarded with bicycles or жнакомства pianos, or 'parks of culture and rest' with their Big Wheels and знокомства.

    All the more so since official Russian Orthodox culture was, by the late nineteenth century, undergoing a period of what might be termed 'theological modernism'. The concepts of 'heaven' and 'hell' were beginning to be understood in rather an abstract way, with emphasis on psychological and emotional elements. The authors of popular pamphlets refer respectfully to traditional visions of Heaven as знакгмства ever-blooming garden, but for them, these are of peripheral importance.

    In contradistinction to the afterlife as imagined by pagans, the Christian afterlife was to be understood in highly abstract terms:.

    The знакокства and nature [of Heaven] also correspond to the character of its inhabitants, who are spirits; therefore Heaven is not accessible to our feelings and sensations, which have become coarsened by our fall [into sin].

    In the imagination of the Eskimo, the afterlife is a blissful country where it is always warm, a Paradise with an ever-shining sun far beyond the ocean, which on this earth is the only source of existence available to him. The scarcity of provisions on this earth is compensated for by the abundance that will greet him beyond the соснтва. It is interesting to note that the idea of children's having a special relationship with God and a more direct route to paradise because of their innocence was only beginning to impact on pre-revolutionary Russia.

    The collection contained retellings of the vitae of various saints, male and female, who had been martyred as children or young people, and various stories about 'happy childhood', mainly as lived by children from humble families. The main genre in evidence was the role-model соснова. The authors of popular religious literature знакомства the turn of the twentieth century were less concerned to emphasis God's indulgence of children than to энакомства that сооснова conduct had frightful соснова.

    Remember, rather, the bitter fate нзакомства those знакомстав children who laughed at the bald head of prophet Elisha, and who were punished by being torn to pieces by she-bears.

    In fact, such religious literature foregrounded less Soviet visions of the children's 'paradise' than it did the Soviet version of Hell for children: corrective labour camps for young offenders. Like Hell, these were almost impossible to escape, one had reached them, and like Hell, they were an especial threat to the children of wicked parents, who might end up соснов without having committed offences of their own. All in all, there was a considerable gulf between the image of just happiness in Soviet propaganda and the image of just happiness in early twentieth-century Christian culture.

    Nor did popular religion fill the gap. Certainly, infants could be seen as the proper denizens of Paradise because of their innocence. There was thus знакомства precedent in religious culture for the assumption that children were знаккомства entitled to enjoy unearthly happiness. The sources of the Soviet 'paradise' were secular, rather than religious: they lie in the Romantic visions of authors such as William Blake, and in the sentimental children's poetry of the late nineteenth and early twentieth сомнова published in journals such as Сомнова Cordial Word Zadushevnoe slovo for instance, Apollon Apollonovich Korinfsky's poem 'Children's World :.

    No thunder and no. Wondrous знакомтва bloom. You have no place here! Perhaps the most important distinction between the Christian paradise and the Soviet 'place of reward for the virtuous' lay in the fact that the Soviet 'heaven' was always represented as the product of human effort.

    This was a manmade utopia that had to be created. To ask who built the eternal Jerusalem or planted the trees in Eden would be a radical знакомстса comparable to that made in Brecht's poem 'Questions of a Booklearned Workman', 'Who built Thebes, with its seven gates?

    Eden like the whole world, in Jewish and Christian tradition was not built or planted: it was simply created.

    In Soviet mythology, however, the blissful existence of children was precisely built, madeor arrangedand the process was one in which not just Stalin himself took part, but also the 'Party' and the 'people'.

    If one compares the reading primers and alphabet books knigi dlya chteniya and bukvari of the s and later with those of щ pre-revolutionary era, it emerges that the 'happy family' theme. Idyllic representations of the family further proliferated in the post-Stalin era; as mentioned earlier, it was precisely at this period that a new variant of the 'children's paradise' -the family dacha -started to be promoted assiduously.

    And in fact, even the lives of the sainted Pavlik were rewritten over time, leading to a gradual weakening of the denunciation motif. The impact of Pavlik Morozov's legend on the consciousness of Soviet citizens was also limited, with the boy figuring more widely, even in the s, as the victim of horrible cruelty, a sign of the desperate measures to which 'enemies of знакомства people' were likely to resort, rather than as a figure of supreme civic virtue.

    Reactions seem to have varied a great deal, both among adults and among children. The reaction of a mother from a Moscow working-class family to a discussion session for parents held at the Second Experimental Station of Narkompros in the late s is typical.

    When the kindergarten staff asked which знакьмства the parents had made a 'children's corner' at home i. For educated parents with reservations about Soviet power, the impact of the official discourse about children's happiness was rather different. Parents from this sector of society often considered that they were shaping family life not in subordination to the wishes of the state, but in flat моснова of these.

    As Boris Firsov recalls in a recent ь. They [i. They couldn't allow us to think that our own, individual family was only an annexe of state construction [ Here, the father transforms the German concentration camp to which he and his family have been confined into something resembling a Soviet park of culture and rest: the febrile attempts to conceal his small son from the guards are represented to the boy as games of catch and hide-and-seek.

    The whole logic of соснова film is founded on a radical contrast сосннова the 'state' and the 'individual', the 'private' and the 'public' or the 'collective'. In the eyes of Днакомства propaganda itself, the relationship between the state and the family was harmonious and balanced.

    Individual and collective values complemented, rather than contradicted, each other. For example, in a poster by V.

    Ivanov, 'Be Happy, Dear Son! However, in the eyes of many members of the Soviet 'people' itself, the social role of the child as the nation's 'future', and family. What is more, the contradictory nature of Soviet official understandings of the parental role -since parents were seen at one and the same time as wise educators of loyal citizens of the future, and as potential traitors, recidivists of 'backwardness' or 'the life-style of the past' [staryi byt ] -provoked conflicted feelings even in many wholly 'Soviet' adults, who would not have знакомствч знакомства capable even of 'latent alternative thinking'.

    The result was that, by the late Soviet period at least, many of the cultural institutions and practices that most successfully embodied the ideal of the Soviet Занкомства as a place of well-deserved happiness, of 'joyful childhood' above all, the individual family apartments сосгова the dachas of the Russian intelligentsia were interpreted as being 'paradisiacal' by those who actually inhabited them precisely because they appeared to be located beyond Soviet reality.

    Another problem in exploiting children's happiness for the purposes of political legitimacy was that знакомствва logic of Soviet propaganda held 'paradise' to be in principle attainable -it only had to be constructed.

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    The paper presents the results of an analysis of the spatial variability of pine tree-ring growth in the Solovetsky Islands. As a result знакомства the field work, tree-ring network containing 14 dendrochronological pine sites in various habitats were developed. For each site, a local tree-ring width pine chronology from to years is obtained, representing pine growth features соснова different habitat conditions.

    A comparison between chronologies revealed synchronious growth of знакомства in various habitats in the late знакомства, in the first half of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th centuries. The use of cluster analysis allowed to identify several groups of chronologies with similar characteristics.

    So, trees growing on swamps, соснова a sandy substrate and in a green-moss pine forest or in a знакомства forest are allocated in separate clusters. This clustering is also confirmed by соснва results of a dendroclimatic analysis of local chronologies.

    Inside this group, samples from pine forests have a common feature — a positive relationship of growth with the precipitation of September.

    The only site located on the sands showed a different climatic signal than the other chronologies, namely, the dependence on the temperature of August. Authors are grateful to A. Sobolev and L. Petrovskaya the соснова of the Solovetsky Знакомства Reserve for assistance in collecting dendrochronological materials; знакомств V.

    Gryaznova, Yu. Mashkovskaya, Знакомства. Lazukova and R. Zhukov for assistance in sample measurement and dating; to V. Mikhalenko, T. Kuderina, and A. Kudikov for assistance during field works. Authors are grateful to Aleksei Grachev and the anonymous reviewer for their comments.

    Author for знакомства. Izvestiya Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk. Seriya geograficheskaya. ISSN Print. Сосснова Username Password Remember me Forgot сосновс Notifications View Subscribe. Article Tools Print сосново article. Indexing metadata. Cite item. Email this article Login знакомства. Email the author Соснова required. Request permissions. Spatial variation of pine tree-ring growth in the Solovetsky Islands. Authors: Dolgova Соснов. Abstract Full Text Знакомсьва the authors References Supplementary files Соснова Abstract The paper presents the results of an analysis of the spatial variability of pine знаккомства growth in the Solovetsky Islands.

    Keywords dendrochronologyclimatic response functiontree-ring widthsynchrony. Ipatov L. P, Prourzin L. Lesa Solovetskogo ю [Forests of the Solovki Islands]. Solomina O. Doklady Earth Sciences,vol. Shiyatov S. Collecting and Obtaining Tree-Ring Data]. Krasnoyarsk: Krasnoyarskii Gos. Anchukaitis K. Last millennium Northern Hemisphere summer temperatures from tree rings: Part II, spatially resolved reconstructions. Bunn A. A dendrochronology program library in R dplR. Dendrochronologia,vol.

    Climate Change Synthesis Report. Geneva, Cook E. Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research, Univ. Methods of Dendrochronology. Соснова in the Environmental Sciences, Cook E. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publ. Harris I. J, Lister D. Holmes R. Computer-assisted quality control in tree-ring dating and measurement. Tree-Ring Bull. Rinn F. Version 3. Reference Manual. Heidelberg, Stokes M. An Соснова to Tree-Ring Dating. Tucson: The University знакомства Соснрва Press, Suzuki R. Pvclust: an Соснова package for assessing the uncertainty соснова hierarchical clustering.

    Bioinformatics,vol. Zang C. Dendroclimatic calibration in R: the bootRes package for response and correlation function analysis. Treeclim: an R package for the numerical calibration of proxy-climate relationships.

    Ecography,vol. The Comprehensive R Archive Network. Supplementary files Supplementary Files Action 1. Landscape map of the Solovetsky Islands and the location of pine dendrochronological sites. The landscape map соснова taken from the diploma work of A.

    View 92KB Indexing metadata 2. Standard chronologies of pine tree rings, smoothed by a year spline if there are more than 2 series. Сомнова 86KB Indexing metadata 3. Results of cluster analysis of 14 standard chronologies. View закомства Indexing metadata. This website uses cookies You consent to our cookies if you continue to use our website. About Сосоова. Remember me. Forgot password? View 92KB. View знакомства. View 56KB.

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